Mother calls for lower insulin prices in wake of son’s death

 

https://www.khou.com/article/news/health/mother-calls-for-lower-insulin-prices-in-wake-of-sons-death/551858205

ST. PAUL, Minn. – On the eve of Mother’s Day, one mother is trying to raise awareness about the high price of insulin.

It’s an issue for which she has paid much too high of a personal price.

“Last year our 26-year-old son passed away because he was rationing his insulin,” said Nicole Smith-Holt.

Her son, Alec, died from diabetic ketoacidosis after aging out of his parents’ insurance coverage on June 1.

“He was actually found dead in his apartment on June 27,” Smith-Holt said. “So he lasted 27 days not being covered.”

She said Alec’s medical costs would have been about $2,000 per month.

“Usually birthdays are a happy time, but it was actually a time when I became very, very afraid for his life,” she said. “I knew he couldn’t afford the options that were out there.”

So on Saturday, May 12, the day before Mother’s Day, Smith-Holt stood on the Minnesota Capitol steps with a group of other families who are rallying to lower the price of insulin. They also want to force big pharmaceutical companies to be transparent about how much the drugs cost to make – and how much of a profit they make.

According to the American Diabetes Association, nearly 7.5 million Americans need the drug. And a 2016 analysis showed the cost of insulin nearly tripled from 2002 to 2013.

This is the first Mother’s Day Smith-Holt will spend without her son.

“He was a mama’s boy,” she said. “He never let a Mother’s Day go by without spending time with me. He would show up at my job and bring me a bouquet of flowers, or take me out to dinner.”

She said this is a “heartbreaking” place to spend the holiday.

“I should be with my son,” she said. “I should not have had to bury him at such a young age. No parent should have to bury their children.”

Smith-Holt’s husband and Alec’s father, James Holt, Jr., agreed, “We should be planning a nice family barbecue. But that’s OK. We’re gonna keep fighting until we get this accomplished.”

“Yeah, we’re not giving up,” Smith-Holt said.

 

Stopping addiction: interfere with pts with ambulatory issues from getting opiates ?

Is limiting opioid prescriptions the answer to fighting the heroin crisis?

http://www.mcall.com/news/breaking/mc-nws-walmart-limits-opioid-prescriptions-20180514-story.html

Within the next two months, anyone who gets an acute opioid prescription filled at a Walmart will be limited to a seven-day supply of the medication, part of the company’s effort to curb the number of pills being sold illegally on the street.

Walmart announced last week it would join CVS Caremark, the nation’s largest pharmacy chain, to cap prescriptions, a move Walmart said put it in line with federal guidelines.

“We’re taking action in the fight against the nation’s opioid epidemic,” said Marybeth Hays, Walmart’s executive vice president of health and wellness.

But some doctors say policies such as Walmart’s intrude on the doctor-patient relationship and make it more inconvenient for patients to treat chronic pain, but do not prevent addicts from getting opioids.

Walmart’s policy, which will be put into effect within 60 days, also mirrors efforts by several states that limit acute opioid prescriptions to seven days, including a bill before Pennsylvania lawmakers that would impose the one-week limit.

The bill’s sponsor, Republican state Sen. Gene Yaw of Williamsport, said limits on opioids are necessary to prevent future addicts.

“There is no question about it — the way that doctors were told to eliminate pain is part of the problem we have today,” Yaw said. “Somewhere along the line, you need to pick a number and say this number of pills is enough to get by, but not get someone addicted.”

The bill passed the Senate in October and remains before a House committee.

Dr. Kenneth Choquette, a Coordinated Health pain management specialist and physician for three decades, said he learned of Walmart’s new prescription policy from patients who use opioids and were alarmed by it.

“This is a disturbing trend that is actually destroying those 95 percent or more of people who need this medication,” Choquette said. “This is a horrible policy that is going to greatly burden those who already are using walkers, canes and crutches to go out every week to get their medication.”

Each week at his practice, Choquette said, he works with ailing patients who are under more restrictions from insurance companies, both in the type and amount of medication those companies will cover.

“The addict is going to find pills or other methods no matter what,” Choquette. “But these limits by industries and insurance companies doesn’t fix anything other than to greatly inconvenience those who are already suffering and yet taking their medication properly under the care of a physician.”

Dr. John Gallagher, chairman of the Pennsylvania Medical Society’s opioid task force, said he’s open to any ideas that may help slow the opioid epidemic, but isn’t sure if limiting pain medication is the answer.

“The arbitrary refusal to fulfill a physician’s treatment plan while not cognizant of the complete clinical situation may not be appropriate,” Gallagher said. He said the better answer may be to develop clinical practical guidelines and consult with the prescribing physician.

There’s little doubt that opioids continue to kill in record numbers. For the third consecutive year, overdose deaths rose dramatically in 2017 in both Lehigh and Northampton counties, according to a Morning Call analysis of the annual coroner reports released at the end of January. A total of 306 people died of drug overdoses last year.

Northampton County had 109 drug-related deaths, an increase of 56 percent over 2016, while Lehigh County had 197 drug-related deaths, a rise of 25 percent.

Pennsylvania has the fourth highest rate of fatal drug overdoses, according to 2016 figures, the latest available from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

In April, Gov. Tom Wolf extended a statewide disaster declaration intended to make getting treatment for opioid addiction faster and easier. The declaration, originally announced in January, waives 13 regulations or protocols in an effort to direct more resources to battling addiction.

The state also has a prescription drug monitoring program that flags those seeking opioid prescriptions at multiple pharmacies.

Another part of Walmart’s plan includes electronic prescriptions for narcotics in 2020, which would eliminate the possibility of a paper precription being altered to get more medicine. CVS Caremark announced restrictions in September to its 90 million plan members that imposes a seven-day limit on opioid pills and also puts limits on the quantities of some higher-dosage opioids.

pamela.lehman@mcall.com

Twitter @pamelalehman

Here is a chain pharmacy that has the fewest drive-thru windows that is creating a obstacle to those people dealing with acute pain and causing them to have to navigate thru their huge stores or find someone to drive them to the store and/or go by and pick up their C-II Rxs.  Of course, sending someone in to pick up a C-II Rxs for someone else… may be a obstacles all in itself.  What is a pt caught up in dealing with acute pain to do ?

So is the country’s LARGEST RETAILER…  WALMART … discriminating against a protected class under the Americans with Disability Act ?

 

The DEA is trying to kill Utah’s medical marijuana initiative before it reaches voters

https://herb.co/marijuana/news/kevin-deleon-dianne-feinstein-california

A voter-led initiative to implement a medical marijuana program in Utah has been facing opposition since it gained enough signatures to make it onto the ballot in November. Led by the state’s medical community, the opposition has now gained the support of a local division of the Drug Enforcement Administration, sparking controversy about whether federal employees are allowed to provide their backing to political campaigns.

Under federal election laws, government agencies and certain employees are prohibited from participating in partisan activities related to campaigns, though in this case, it’s not clear that one party is leading the effort since the organizations involved—the Utah Medical Association and Drug Safe Utah—are not associated with political parties.

Still, it’s questionable whether the DEA is meant to take sides in electoral politics at all, especially when it appears that the anti-ballot campaign has been using some ethically dubious tactics. Documents obtained by Marijuana Moment have shown that door to door canvassers from the opposition have been instructed to use misleading information and cater their message based on the age of the individuals they are speaking to.

The medical cannabis initiative qualified for the November 6th ballot in April, collecting a reported 200,000 signatures—tens of thousands more than it needed. But the complicated process by which a ballot measure qualifies to be placed before voters in Utah has the opposition looking for loopholes to get it removed.

In order to meet the state’s requirements, the initiative’s organizers had to collect more than 113,000 overall signatures across the state, but those signatures also had to make up at least 10 percent of voters who turned out in the last election in 27 of the state’s 29 districts.

It’s that 27 district loophole that the opposition is trying to exploit by canvassing door to door to get those who signed the petition to remove their signatures. If they are successful, the ballot initiative will not appear before voters in the fall. But their effort is a long shot since they have to convince hundreds of people in multiple districts by the May 15th deadline.

According to a report from the Salt Lake Tribune, the opposition’s campaign has also gained the support of the Drug Enforcement Administration’s Salt Lake City Metro Narcotics Task Force.

If approved in November, the ballot question would greatly expand Utah’s existing medical program allowing residents to apply for a medical cannabis license with a list of around 12 qualifying conditions. The initiative also covers labeling, inspection and distribution methods which include dispensaries, but still prohibits the smoking of cannabis flower. The ballot question runs counter to a pair of laws recently passed by the Utah legislature which allowed the Utah Department of Agriculture to oversee the production of cannabis for limited use by terminally ill patients.

According to recent polling, nearly 80 percent of Utah residents support the voter initiative, making it likely to pass if it appears on the ballot in the fall.

Governor Gary Herbert has voiced his opposition to the initiative in favor of the more restrictive program passed by lawmakers but has also said that voters ought to be allowed to decide what they want. “Let’s have the vote. Let’s have the debate,” Herbert said in a public address last month. “I think it’s good to have the people’s voice heard.”

How some WalMart Pharmacists are implementing a new opiate dosage limits – suppose to be for new acute only

Walmart to restrict opioid dispensing at its pharmacies

Above is a link to the new Walmart Policy and below is what showed up on the web today from a pt in the NW trying to get a “routine opiate prescription filled at her “normal Walmart”

 

I sent you a message it’s a long one but it kind of has to do with the pharmacy business and it was very shocking today. I’ve been a patient at this Walmart with the same dose for two years the only thing that changed was my doctor retired and he was 90 well deserved and I got transferred to it to another physician and same amount of medicine the only thing that was different was it was not e-filed it was paper and I’m not used to that I brought it to the pharmacy and stupidly had them hold it because I thought it would be safe there I always do it with my daughters medication because it is a controlled substance to me the pharmacy is a safe place. Anyway I went to pick up my prednisone and he said we cannot fill these would not give me a reason I said I don’t believe this applies to me I said I’ve heard about the new law with Walmart I said that’s for new patients and I am a chronic pain patient and I have been a patient here for 2 years and he basically wouldn’t give me any explanation and gave me my prescriptions back and once I got home I looked at them and they had barcodes that they had apparently ripped off in a very rough manner you can almost see the back it’s so thin anyway I don’t know if a new Pharmacy will take them everyone there knows me by my first name except for this guy I probably seen twice and he’s young he’s probably in his twenties maybe early thirtie he gave me the 1 800 Walmart number, and I told the guy what happened I have to wait 3 days in the meanwhile I called the old Walmart that I went to for probably 6 years in a different area and question them what could have been the matter she said I’m going to call right away and find out for you they know me by first name as well and she said it was pharmacists digression. Well nothing has changed on my end he complained that it was a high dose well it’s the same dose I’ve taken for over 2 years and gotten filled there what changed he treated me like horrible. This totally reminds me I should have had my phone on the counter but never in my wildest dreams would this have ever happened I didn’t go there for that I went there for simple medications any other person would and I was treated like a criminal and I would have loved to have it on recording. Sorry but this reminded me of it.

 

Who said that DEA is suppose to help prevent addiction ?

Federal Ban On Methadone Vans Seen As Barrier To Treatment

https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/federal-ban-methadone-vans_us_5ab50dcfe4b0cde6b4f23c65

Julius Tiangson, a registered nurse, dosing a patient in a methadone van operated by Evergreen Treatment Services in Seattle.

States and treatment companies want to offer methadone clinics on wheels to reach more people with opioid addictions in remote and underserved areas. But the federal government is standing in their way.

From California to Vermont, mobile methadone vans have served people with opioid addiction in rural towns and underserved inner-city neighborhoods for nearly three decades.

But the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, which regulates dispensing of the FDA-approved addiction medicine, has refused to license any new methadone vans since 2007 over concerns about potential diversion of the medication.

Now, in an unrelenting opioid epidemic that is killing more than a hundred Americans every day, some state and local addiction agencies are asking the federal government to lift its moratorium as quickly as possible.

In Seattle and surrounding King County, for example, federal grant money has been set aside to deploy four new mobile methadone vans to provide treatment on demand in addiction hotspots around the city and county. But the project is on hold until the DEA lifts the ban.

“Mobile treatment vans are critical to addressing the opioid epidemic,” said King County behavioral health official Brad Finegood. “As this epidemic grows and changes, concentrations of people who are affected by it can be found in shifting locations within the city and county. If we’re going to be effective, we need to be nimble and bring the medication to them instead of asking everybody to trudge across town to get their daily dose at a fixed facility.”

Joining the chorus of state and local behavioral health agencies is another federal agency, the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, which provides grants to King County and other locations to make it easier for people with dangerous opioid addictions to receive treatment with methadone and other evidence-based medications.

According to a spokesperson at SAMHSA, agency officials are urging the DEA to remove the ban.

At a recent New York City gathering of the methadone industry’s professional organization, the American Association for the Treatment of Opioid Dependence, DEA official James Arnold said a proposal for a new set of regulations that would permit new methadone vans to be licensed was months away from completion.

Mark Parrino, who heads the industry group, said no security breach in any of the mobile vans licensed before the moratorium has ever been reported, leading industry experts to question why the ban persists.

Treatment officials in Connecticut, Maryland, New Jersey, New York and Washington state have expressed interest in deploying new methadone vans to fight the epidemic but have been stymied by the DEA moratorium, Parrino said. The most urgent need for mobile methadone, he said, is in Puerto Rico, where Hurricane Maria destroyed much of the territory’s transportation infrastructure and medical facilities last year.

Terrance Washington, who is receiving medication-assisted treatment for heroin addiction, talks to nurse Stephen Wright and d

Logistical Constraints

More than 2 million Americans are addicted to opioid painkillers or heroin, but only 1 in 5 is receiving treatment for their disorder, according to SAMHSA. Of those, most are not receiving methadone or one of the two other approved medications considered by addiction specialists to be the standard of care.

That’s partly because many people who use opioids and other drugs are in denial that they have a problem. But among those who decide they need treatment, many report they can’t afford it or are unable to find a program  within commuting distance.

Only about a third of all treatment facilities offer all three medications, according to Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar, and Medicaid and private insurance coverage of the medications varies widely from state to state.

Of the three available medications for opioid addiction, methadone is the oldest, most researched and most widely used. But it is also the most tightly regulated.

Taken daily under supervision as required by federal regulations, methadone is out of reach for many who do not live within a reasonable distance of the nation’s roughly 1,500 methadone dispensing locations. The two newer approved medications — buprenorphine and a time-release form of naltrexone called Vivitrol — can be prescribed by a physician and taken at home.

Similar to patients with other chronic diseases, people addicted to opioids typically respond better to one medication than to another. For many, methadone is the only addiction medicine that successfully reduces drug cravings and wards off relapse. But many people live far away from brick-and-mortar methadone clinics.

Although relapse is common in all types of drug treatment, research indicates that people who take any of the three approved medications have a greater shot at remaining sober compared to those who receive therapies without medication. But to remain in recovery, people with opioid addictions often must stay on what is known as maintenance therapy for years, or for life.

Expanding Treatment

In Washington state, Seattle-based Evergreen Treatment Services, which operates the only methadone van in the state, just received an $11 million grant from SAMHSA, part of which has been set aside to buy four new customized vans for about $200,000 each.

The vans — designed to provide space for counseling, urine drug screens and methadone dispensing — are slated to make daily visits to one or more hard-hit Seattle neighborhoods, as well as the city of Renton in surrounding King County, and two other underserved cities with high addiction rates outside of the county — Olympia and Hoquiam.

According to Evergreen director Molly Carney, Washington state’s substance abuse agency is working with SAMHSA to get DEA permission to purchase and outfit the vans. “We’re told they’re actively working on it,” she said, “but there’s no timeline and no promise of when it will get released.”

In New York, Democratic Gov. Andrew Cuomo has dedicated millions in state dollars to expanding access to treatment using all three medications — methadone, buprenorphine and naltrexone — and officials at the state’s alcohol and substance abuse agency are talking to the DEA about lifting the ban, a spokesperson said.

According to the agency, mobile addiction treatment and transportation services are a critical part of New York’s strategy to offer treatment to more people with addiction. “Location and access to transportation should never be a barrier for someone to receive the services they need to fight this disease,” said New York’s drug and alcohol commissioner Arlene González-Sánchez.

Terrance Washington reviews his treatment schedule with nurse Stephen Wright in a treatment van parked at Baltimore’s central

The Pew Charitable Trusts
Terrance Washington reviews his treatment schedule with nurse Stephen Wright in a treatment van parked at Baltimore’s central jail.

Working Vans

In Mays Landing, New Jersey, one of a handful of grandfathered methadone vans licensed prior to the DEA’s moratorium is parked outside the Atlantic County Jail and serves as a dispensing clinic for inmates. The program has proven so successful at keeping inmates in recovery from opioid addiction that another methadone program about 80 miles up the coast in Neptune City wants to do the same thing.

According to JSAS HealthCare’s administrative director Margaret Rizzo, incarcerated pregnant women on methadone maintenance who come into the nearby jail in Monmouth County are given daily “guest doses” of the addiction medication while they’re inside because of federal requirements. “But if you’re a male on medication assisted treatment when you come into the same jail, you’re out of luck,” she said.

If the DEA lifts its moratorium on mobile methadone, Rizzo said, her treatment facility plans to buy a van to provide methadone to up to 50 inmates at the county jail.

In 1990, opioid treatment centers in Baltimore and Boston became the first in the nation to expand their urban drug treatment operations by outfitting vans to serve high-demand neighborhoods.

The drug treatment program in Baltimore, the Institutes for Behavior Resources, operated a DEA-licensed van and a backup van to dispense methadone to hundreds of patients for about 10 years, and then purchased new vans and used them for another 10 years before parking the vehicles and letting their licenses expire.

Two years ago, Behavior Resources leased one of those vans to another nonprofit program, the Behavioral Health Leadership Institute, which is using the vehicle to provide buprenorphine instead of methadone. Although the DEA also has authority over buprenorphine, it has not banned licensed prescribers of the medication from working out of a van.

Equipped with a bathroom and private counseling rooms, the van allows Behavioral Health Leadership to offer low-income residents drug screenings, addiction assessments, counseling and pre-paid prescriptions for buprenorphine.

Parked outside the Baltimore Central Booking and Intake Center, the repurposed van recently offered an opportunity for Terrance Washington, 44, to start turning his life around. A heroin user for almost 20 years, he was released from the Baltimore jail in January.

“When I got out, I kept on going right past the van,” Washington said. “But later my friend told me he’d been going for treatment there, so I went back to check it out.”

Washington got counseling, a prescription for buprenorphine, and a makeshift ID to take to a nearby drugstore. Since then, he said, he’s been taking his addiction medication and stopping by the van every few days to talk to a nurse or doctor about his progress.

On a sunny March morning, Washington stepped into the van and shimmied sideways to sit in a tiny counseling booth and talk to the nurse on duty about his recovery.

As he left, Washington said finding the van and getting on medication for his drug cravings has been “a big relief.” Instead of breaking the law to pay for heroin again, he said, it’s allowed him to try to get caught up on his rent and take care of some outstanding legal issues.

ONE HUNDRED YEARS AGO ( 1917) our judicial system declared that opiate addiction was a CRIME and not a DISEASE and declared that any prescriber caught treating or maintaining a addict would be jailed.  During the 60’s Methadone treatment programs were established in NY city by the Rockefeller Foundation…   At this time, it is claimed that about HALF of all Heroin addicts in the country were living in NY city and average age of a Heroin OD was 29.

Of course, this was before the Controlled Substance Act (1970)… so the DEA did not exist.

Maybe the political influence of the Rockefeller Foundation got these Methadone clinics acceptable… who knows…

Somewhere along the line, the DEA/DOJ decided to license these addiction treatment centers… the same DOJ that declared that opiate addiction was a CRIME and not a DISEASE… is now licensing the entities to treat the CRIME OF ADDICTION with MEDICATION… BUT in 2007 the DEA has been been refusing to license any new mobile treatment van… that would be serving the most rural and under served addicts.

It is almost as if the DEA/DOJ wishes to keep a certain per-cent of the population being addicted to some opiate … committing crimes to fund their habit and continuing the spread of various diseases – most HIV, Hep B&C – because of the sharing of needles.

Is this how the DEA/DOJ is meeting their basic charge in the war on drugs ?

This ‘cure’ only makes the opioid crisis worse

This ‘cure’ only makes the opioid crisis worse

https://nypost.com/2018/05/11/this-cure-only-makes-the-opioid-crisis-worse/

Attorney General Jeff Sessions says the Justice Department is striving to “bring down” both “opioid prescriptions” and “overdose deaths.” A study published the following day suggests those two goals may be at odds with each other, highlighting the potentially perverse consequences of trying to stop people from getting the drugs they want.

Columbia University epidemiologist David Fink and his colleagues systematically reviewed research on the impact of Prescription Drug Monitoring Programs, which all 50 states have established in an effort to prevent nonmedical use of opioid analgesics and other psychoactive pharmaceuticals. Reporting their results in the Annals of Internal Medicine, Fink et al. say the evidence that PDMPs reduce deaths involving prescription opioids is “largely insufficient,” adding that “implementation of PDMPs may have unintended negative outcomes — namely, increased rates of heroin-related overdose.”

The review covers 17 studies, 10 of which looked at the relationship between PDMPs and deaths involving narcotic pain relievers. Three studies “reported a decrease,” six “reported no change,” and one “reported an increase in overdose deaths.”

The picture looks worse when you take into account deaths involving illegally produced drugs, which now account for a large majority of opioid-related fatalities. Fink et al. found six studies that included heroin overdoses, half of which reported a statistically significant association between adoption of PDMPs and increases in such incidents.

To the extent that PDMPs succeed in making pain pills harder to obtain, they encourage nonmedical users to seek black-market substitutes. “Changes to either the supply or cost of prescription opioids after a PDMP is instituted,” Fink et al. observe, “might reasonably drive opioid-dependent persons to substitute their preferred prescription opioid with heroin or nonpharmaceutical fentanyl.”

Restricting access to pain pills also seems to be increasing the percentage of opioid users who begin with heroin. A 2015 survey of people entering treatment for opioid-use disorder found 33 percent had started with heroin, up from 9 percent in 2005.

If the aim is preventing drug-related deaths, this shift is counterproductive, to say the least. Because their purity and potency are inconsistent and unpredictable, illegally produced opioids are much more dangerous than pain pills.

Comparing deaths counted by the federal government to its estimates of users suggests that heroin is more than 10 times as lethal as prescription opioids. Policies that drive people toward more dangerous drugs help explain why deaths involving heroin and illicit fentanyl have skyrocketed in recent years, even as opioid prescriptions have declined.

A report published last month by the health care consulting firm IQVIA shows that the total volume of opioids prescribed in the United States fell by 29 percent between 2011 and 2017, from 240 billion to 171 billion morphine-milligram equivalents. According to data from the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, deaths involving pain pills nevertheless rose by 24 percent from 2011 to 2016, while total deaths involving opioids rose by 85 percent.

That trend includes a 252 percent increase in heroin-related deaths and an astonishing 628 percent increase in deaths involving the opioid category that consists mainly of fentanyl and its analogues. Final CDC figures for 2017 are not available yet, but the provisional numbers indicate there will be more increases.

In addition to magnifying the risks that nonmedical users face, the crackdown on pain pills is hurting patients. Many people who have successfully used opioids to treat severe chronic pain for years now find it difficult or impossible to obtain the medication they need to maintain a decent quality of life.

Since the current strategy is manifestly not working, drug warriors are, as usual, redoubling their efforts. The Drug Enforcement Administration, which sets annual quotas for opioid production, reduced the limit by 25 percent in 2017 and 20 percent this year.

Sessions plans to squeeze the supply even more, because “we are facing the deadliest drug crisis in American history.” He seems determined to make it deadlier.

 

I-Team Exclusive: The real numbers behind Nevada’s opioid deaths

http://www.lasvegasnow.com/news/i-team-exclusive-the-real-numbers-behind-nevadas-opioid-deaths/1172341496

LAS VEGAS – You’ve probably heard political figures make the claim that at least one Nevadan dies every day from an opioid overdose. That figure of more than 360 opioid deaths per year in our state has been repeated over and over, but is it true?

The answer — not really.

The I-Team obtained the records on which the claim is based. 

In Nevada, statistics show that 99.98 percent of all opioid prescriptions do not result in overdoses, but the crackdown on pain medicine has continued to intensify anyway. Like most pain management physicians, Dr. Dan Laird has been overwhelmed by the rush of chronic pain patients who’ve essentially been abandoned by their doctors.

“Thousands of patients, their doctors have said, ‘I’m sorry, I can’t prescribe opiates anymore. You’re going to have to find somebody else,’ and there just isn’t anybody,” said Dr. Dan Laird, pain management physician.

When the CDC issued vague and unsubstantiated guidelines for opioids two years ago, it set off a nationwide panic among doctors, pharmacists, and regulators who simply said no. The result has been chaos.

A recent study shows opioid prescriptions dropped 29 percent from 2011-2017, but during that time opioid deaths rose 8 percent. Heroin and fentanyl deaths exploded. (Heroin deaths increased 252 percent. Fentanyl deaths increased 628 percent.)

Cutting back on legal pain meds not only failed to stop overdoses, it had the opposite effect. So, how can that be?

The coroner’s office keeps track of what it lists as all opioid related deaths.

READ: 2017 Opioid Related Deaths in Clark County 

READ: 2018 Opioid Related Deaths in Clark County

“This information your team has been able to obtain is a game changer because it does confirm every suspicion I have had, and other doctors have had about the dishonesty of the publicity that surrounds this purported crisis,” Dr. Laird said.

The first fatality of 2017 lists heroin, hydromorphone and methadone, along with pneumonia. The second case lists methamphetamine and opiate intoxication. The third lists pneumonia, asthma tobacco, marijuana, and congestive heart failure along with methamphetamine and cocaine. All the way down the page, it’s the same picture over and over, multiple drugs, most of them illegal, often combined with alcohol, and the decedents also had serious underlying health issues. To label these as opioid deaths is a stretch.

It appears that if the toxicology showed an opioid in their system at the time of death, it’s counted as an opioid death, which is quite misleading. The records from 2018 — more of the same — heroin, heroin plus cardiovascular disease, inhalation injuries due to smoking methamphetamine or how about this one, multiple drugs along with cirrhosis, HIV and leukemia. Examples of pretty much every licit and illicit drug one could name.

Chronic pain patients like Rick Martin of Henderson are in pain management programs. They are tested, they follow the rules, but because of addicts taking deadly amounts of heroin or other drugs, the patients who follow the rules have been cast aside as collateral damage. Nevada is not yet as strict as many other states, but the political rhetoric is amping up in this election year, and the oft-cited figure of one Nevadan per day dying of opioids continues to resonate.

“Seventeen people a day die of heart disease. Fourteen people a day die of cancer. Four people per day die in Nevada of lung cancer. So, it’s important to keep these things in perspective. One person a day dies of an opioid but that includes everyone on the list, everyone who had an opioid in their system at the time of their death.

About one in every 40 of the deaths listed in the records involve a single, prescription opiate and there is no indication whether the decedent obtained the drugs through a legal prescription or other means. 
 

Blame & Shame in Healthcare, and Congress

https://www.acsh.org/news/2018/05/09/blame-shame-healthcare-and-congress-12939

For healthcare to improve, we need to look at the outcomes of our actions and activities, identify the source of our errors and do better. A few months ago, the Annals of Family Medicine reported on how “blame” is attributed; do we point at ourselves, others or the system?

The study was conducted based on records of the United Kingdom’s National Health Service’s National Reporting and Learning system which records all patient safety occurrences. Like many of these databases, it is required and captures much of the detail surrounding these bad outcomes – you might think of it as a paperwork version of the Transportation and Safety Boards investigations of plane and train crashes. The researchers found about 14,000 records about primary care’s poor outcomes and randomly selected about 2200 for the study [1] The defined “blame” as evidence in the free-text of these reports of judgments about “deficiency or fault by a person or people;” system failures were labeled no blame. Here is what they found:

  • System failures accounted for 55% of the outcomes – there were flaws in how the healthcare system was organized.
  • Forty-two percent of individuals writing these reports blamed others – termed “directed blame” by the authors.
  • Two percent of the report’s authors attributed the errors to themselves, acknowledging their personal responsibility.
  • The more often a poor outcome had multiple contributing factors, the more often there was directed blame.
  • Poor outcomes involving judgment and interactions with patients had higher percentages of directed blame. 

The discussion mentions a classic theory in failure analysis [2] where human error is inevitable and poor outcomes are “the result of multiple smaller errors.” More importantly, improvement comes not from deciding who failed, “but how and why the defenses failed” – what about the system lead the individual astray? Blaming others is not conducive to that kind of analysis and is often the refuge of “cover one’s own back.” It also reflects how we believe the “system” made me do it when I bear responsibility, and when someone else can be held accountable, they are bad people. Blaming others may satisfy the soul, but does little to improve care.

The article is helpful in understanding the culture of patient safety; it came to mind because of the current Congressional hearings on the opioid crisis.  

“But for hours on Tuesday, executives from five drug distributor companies largely parried questions from House members and attempted to shift blame to anyone but them — to the Drug Enforcement Administration, physicians, and pharmacies, among others.

“I just want you to feel shame,” Rep. David McKinley (R-W.Va.) told the executives at one point, suggesting that financial penalties were insufficient and alluding to jail time. “So what’s the proper accountability? …What’s the punishment that fits this crime?”

Many small and large errors contributed to the opioid epidemic, and we all bear responsibility for creating the situation and for correcting our mistakes. But attribution of blame and subsequent punishment is the role of the judiciary, not Congress. Congress makes the rules. For example, the  Ensuring Patient Access and Effective Drug Enforcement Act of 2016 which among other provisions made it more difficult for the DEA to bring actions against drug distributors for the egregious behavior Representative McKinley is railing against – an act passed by the unanimous consent of the House, including Representative McKinley. This behavior sounds so much like the directed blame found in the study.

Congress should investigate the bad outcomes of their legislative efforts, but this staged theater of indignation and moral high ground serves us poorly. The current Congressional hearings on the opioid crisis reflects a culture of blame rather than reflection, just like those poor healthcare outcomes reports. Improving safety doesn’t come from photo ops and sound bites on the evening news any more than it comes from nurses and physicians blaming one another. Improving safety and our legislation comes from analysis and reflection that recognizes blame as an impediment, not a response. If Congress wishes to help and use its considerable powers then it should remember President Theodore Roosevelt’s initial phrase, speak softly.

[1] The survey size was selected to be confident in the statistical analysis of their results

[2] Reason’s Swiss Cheese Model

Survey: 90% of nurses admit they do not have enough time to properly care for patients

https://www.beckershospitalreview.com/quality/survey-90-of-nurses-admit-they-do-not-have-enough-time-to-properly-care-for-patients.html

As hospitals across the U.S. face a nursing shortage, care quality and patient safety continue to be put in jeopardy. Nurses are frequently assigned more patients, with 90 percent of nurses admitting they lack adequate time to properly comfort and assist patients, according to a survey of Massachusetts nurses conducted by Anderson Robbins Research.

The survey, “The State of Patient Care in Massachusetts,” is a survey of Massachusetts nurses conducted annually and commissioned by the Massachusetts Nurses Association. Most of the nurses surveyed are not MNA members.

Survey respondents consisted of registered nurses working in Massachusetts healthcare facilities who were randomly selected from a complete file of the 100,000 nurses registered with the Massachusetts Board of Registration in Nursing. 

Here are seven survey findings.

1. Having to care for too many patients at one time was the most significant challenge to RNs giving high-quality patient care, with 77 percent of nurses identifying unsafe patient assignments as an issue.

2. The majority (77 percent) of nurses reported medication errors, such as giving patients the wrong medication or dosage, as a result of caring for too many patients at once.

3. Seventy-two percent of nurses said readmission of patients was a consequence of caring for too many patients at the same time.

4. Additionally, 64 percent of nurses said patient injury or harm was linked to unsafe RN patient assignments.

5. Nurses said hospital management does not typically adjust patient assignments to meet patients’ needs, with more than 6 in 10 (63 percent) reporting management only occasionally adjusts their patient assignments to meet patients’ needs.

6. Less than one-third (31 percent) of respondents believe Massachusetts hospitals’ mergers and acquisitions have improved care quality. The survey also found only 27 percent of nurses believe hospitals’ business relationships with pharmaceutical companies and/or medical device makers improve patient care.

7. The survey found nearly 90 percent of nurses support a pending ballot measure that would set safe patient limits hospital nurses based on patient needs. 

Kolodny: “Opioids are lousy drugs for chronic pain and when you take chronic pain patients and get them off opioids their quality of life is improved

A chronic pain patient is pictured. | AP Photo

https://www.politico.com/story/2018/05/08/opioid-epidemic-consequences-502619

The crackdown on opioids is having unintended consequences.

The push for fewer opioid prescriptions at lower doses and for shorter periods has increased suffering for some pain patients including those near the end of life. The emphasis on opioids has also overshadowed other forms of substance abuse that require attention.

 With fatal overdoses soaring and millions addicted or dependent on powerful painkillers, there’s broad consensus that the number of opioids in circulation should be scaled back significantly. At the peak of prescribing in 2012, doctors wrote 282 million opioid prescriptions — enough for eight of every 10 Americans. And policymakers, who will hear testimony Tuesday from drug distributors about alleged “pill-dumping” in small towns in West Virginia, agree on the need to change prescription patterns to reduce the number of people starting opioids and to get people with inappropriate prescriptions off the drugs.

But sometimes solutions give rise to new problems, from hospital shortages of IV opioids to dying patients enduring avoidable pain. Here are some of the challenges state and federal lawmakers, physicians and patients, are beginning to confront.

Ready or not, we’re stopping your pain drugs

Doctors face intense pressure to decrease opioid prescribing and stop treating chronic pain patients with opioids long term. The government mental health agency doesn’t track the number of chronic pain patients like this, but some experts put the number as high as 10 million. Many doctors aren’t prepared (or, in some cases, willing) to gradually and appropriately transition them off their opioids, addiction experts say. Done badly, that tapering can push people toward street drugs like heroin – and there have been reports, too, of suicides of people left with uncontrolled pain.

“Some people will be tapered too quickly or in a way that is intolerable to them,” said Elinore McCance-Katz, the HHS assistant secretary for mental health and substance use.

“It’s not just people who are on chronic opioids that have difficulty tapering,” she added. Opioids create physical dependence very quickly, and even patients taking the drugs for only a few weeks may need to be gradually weaned to avoid withdrawal symptoms that can include muscle aches, vomiting and diarrhea, anxiety and insomnia.

Weaning patients off opioids should be a “cooperative process” between patient and physician — not an ultimatum or abandonment, said Sally Satel, a psychiatrist, Yale University School of Medicine lecturer and a resident scholar at the conservative American Enterprise Institute. “I’ve seen patients where doctors just say ‘That’s it, I’m done. I’m not going to lose my license over you and good luck,’ and that’s unconscionable,” she said.

Andrew Kolodny, the co-director of opioid policy research at Brandeis University Heller School for Social Policy and Management, said patients need a lot of support coming off opioids. “It’s not as easy as just telling a primary care doctor to lower the dose by X amount.” They may need social workers or psychologists to address anxiety, and they may need other ways of treating very real pain.

But Kolodny cautioned against the narrative that some patients should stay on their chronic opioids even if they are convinced they are doing just fine. “Opioids are lousy drugs for chronic pain and when you take chronic pain patients and get them off opioids their quality of life is improved. The tricky thing is, it’s very hard to get them off,” Kolodny said, calling for better wraparound support services for these patients.

What was your experience tapering off opioids? We want to hear from you.

Ignoring other addiction crises

Amid the intense focus on opioids, use of drugs like cocaine and crystal meth is exploding across the country, costing lives. “We treat drug epidemics like ‘whack a mole,’” said West Virginia Public Health Commissioner Rahul Gupta. “We get one under control, another pops up.”

Deaths involving cocaine increased 52.4 percent between 2015 and 2016, according to the CDC. Overdose deaths involving methamphetamine increased 30 percent between 2014 and 2015.

“We are seeing meth come back, we are seeing cocaine on the horizon,” said Jonathan Thompson, executive director of the National Sheriffs’ Association. “This is now a cyclical problem. So how do we prepare for it? Responding to opioids is different than responding to cocaine, which is different than responding to methamphetamine.”

Federal lawmakers in the last few years have focused funding specifically on opioid abuse, while leaving spending on other substance use disorders mostly flat. Trump in his 2019 budget proposal called for $13 billion to fight the opioid crisis, while proposing to cut other substance abuse treatment programs. Congress in 2016 authorized $1 billion in opioid funding over two years for states but some lawmakers — like Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.), whose state has seen a spike in crystal meth deaths — want to give states more flexibility to spend that money. Illinois Democratic Rep. Jan Schakowsky at a recent Energy and Commerce meeting raised concerns about proposals to create opioid-specific treatment centers.

“I’m concerned about segmenting our health care system.” she said. “By doing this we ignore the fact that substance abuse disorders like alcohol, crack cocaine have ravaged communities for decades and we haven’t put forth the resource to address them. In fact in the past we called them junkies or criminals and continue to criminalize many addictions rather than treating that as substance abuse disorders.”

Taking away painkillers doesn’t take away the pain

Policymakers and insurers cracking down on access to prescription painkillers aren’t spending nearly the same effort increasing access to non-drug alternatives to opioids like physical therapy, massage or cognitive behavioral therapy.

“I’m seeing more changes to make it harder to gets opioids … than on how to help people who get in trouble with pain because they don’t have opioids,” said Cheryl Bartlett, the CEO of the Greater New Bedford Community Health Center, which treats patients regardless of insurance or income status.

Congress has “been big on promoting [nonopioid] alternatives” for the Defense Department and the VA. “Beyond that it’s pretty much just been lip service and it’s a little challenging how to craft legislation that affects what private payers are able to offer in this arena,” said Bob Twillman, executive director of the Academy of Integrative Pain Management, who’s membership includes a variety of health care practices from doctors to chiropractors and massage therapists.

 “There actually is a fairly large body of evidence for many of these non-pharmacological treatments,” Twillman said. “The unfortunate thing is very little of it is randomized controlled trials and very little of it has long-term followup. The hang up is that it’s not the highest quality of evidence. But as I frequently point out to them they cover long-term opioid therapy and they don’t have any evidence for that either.”

Even when insurance does cover pain treatments that don’t involve opioids, the treatments tend to be more costly for patients. They also often require more time than popping a pill, a challenge for hourly workers who don’t have paid leave.

“It’s one thing for an insurer to cover [an opioid alternative], It’s another thing to cover it at a co-pay that the patient can afford. We need to stop making opioids the easy decision — in terms of writing prescriptions and patient access. Higher co-pays will stand in the way,” said Cindy Reilly, who recently left the Pew Charitable Trust, where she focused on issues around opioid use and access to effective pain management.

Have you experienced any challenges over access to alternatives to opioid painkillers? Tell us your story.

Care for the dying

There’s been a lot of research lately on what opioids don’t work for — but there’s no doubt that they can be essential for many patients nearing the end of life, or suffering metastatic cancer. CDC prescribing guidelines and state laws limiting prescriptions generally don’t restrict opioids for these patients — but hospice and palliative care physicians report that their patients are having a very difficult time getting the pain control they need.

“Almost every patient I have prescribed for recently has either a) run into pharmacies that no longer carry common opioids; b) cannot receive a full supply; and c) worst of all had their mail order pharmacy refuse to fill or have had arbitrary and non-science based dose or pill limits imposed,” said Sean Morrison, chairman of the geriatrics and palliative medicine department at the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai.

“Even with exemptions for hospice care, prescription limits are still having an impact,” said Joe Rotella, the chief medical officer for the American Academy of Hospice and Palliative Medicine. “Patients have a tougher time getting these medications and it’s a lot more hassle for providers.”

Insurers who don’t fully understand the legislative limits may flag prescriptions. Pharmacies may question them after checking data banks on opioid use.

“I believe there has been an over-interpretation of dosing limits and threshold limits. CDC has always maintained that they meant for their guidelines to be just that, guidelines,” said Patrice Harris at the American Medical Association. “But unfortunately, payers and states are putting those hard dosage limits into statute and regulations.”

Hospital shortages of IV opioids

Hospitals in the U.S. are experiencing shortages of IV opioids for patients undergoing surgery, in intensive care units or being treated for cancer — all of which are appropriate uses for the powerful painkillers. The shortage of drugs like morphine and fentanyl began in mid-2017. The shortages weren’t directly caused by the focus on the opioid epidemic; it’s largely attributed to manufacturing delays impacting Pfizer. But ending those shortages has become more difficult because of measures put in place to address opioid overuse and diversion. And it‘s been serious enough that some hospitals have had to delay or cancel elective procedures, said Michael Ganio, directory of pharmacy practice and quality at the American Society of Health-System Pharmacists.

Normally when there’s a drug shortage, other manufactures try to boost production to meet the demand, but with controlled substances like opioids, they need special permission from the Drug Enforcement Agency, Ganio explained. Even getting permission to move raw materials for making opioids from one facility to another can be a challenge; a company with a problem at one manufacturing plant can’t simply ship the ingredients to another location and continue production.

“Our hospital pharmacists can’t be short of critical medications that are workhorse drugs that have been used for decades,” said Dan Kistner, senior vice president of pharmacy services at Vizient, the country’s largest hospital group purchasing organization. The DEA has taken steps to begin to ease the shortages. But Kistner said it’s been bad enough that pharmacists have had to spend hours and extra resources trying to acquire these opioids, instead of providing care to patients. And patients can have inadequate pain relief, or much more costly alternatives.